Independence of Kosova is not a matter of flag, anthem or emblem. It is not a matter of Battle of Kosovo or Illyrian-Dardanian continuity, either. Neither is a matter of isolation from the others. In the 21st century, the independence of Kosova is a matter of management, security and of prospect.
Let us begin with management. This is a territory that after so many conflicts, that culminated with the attempted genocide against the Albanian majority, has reached a stage of maturity that requires it to be managed by its inhabitants. This has been called and is called self-determination; but within the context here, let us name it simply in a business term, management. Of course, one can say that this can be corporative management; thus Kosova can be part of a bigger enterprise, of Serbia and Montenegro, for example, but the answer to this is simple. The big corporation, the socialist Yugoslavia has bankrupted and separate enterprises have derived from it. Some of them, e.g. Slovenia and Croatia, with extraordinary success, while some others, e.g. Bosnia and Herzegovina, still deficient. Serbia and Montenegro is a small corporation on the verge of bankruptcy, and as such not attractive to anyone, not even its constitutive enterprises.
But, there is one other successful corporation, the EU. However, a prerequisite for an enterprise to become a part of this corporation is to be healthy, on the one hand, and to have solved all legal- ownership-issues. Kosova, as a European territory, is interested in becoming a part of the EU, but in order to reach that goal, it has to define its “legal-ownership issues”, first. This simply means that the definition of Kosova’s status as an independent state should be perceived as a priority for the possibility of adherence into EU. So, Kosova is becoming independent though not to be isolated by other European nations and states, but in order to join the other European nations and states, including the Serb in the future.
Why is it a matter of security?
In the 21st century, the experience of the 20th century was understood, and this is experience is that source of insecurity, both on the global and local level, are countries that have failed. Two examples are sufficient: former Yugoslavia, whose failure became a source of the biggest insecurity on the European continent after the World War II, and Afghanistan, which as a failed country had become a training heaven for international terrorism.
Vice versa, functional states represent the source of regional and global security. The only way how Kosovo can guarantee security for its citizens, and at the same be a guarantee for regional security, is through its own functional state. Kosovo in no way can be part of a Serbian state. This has been proven by all means, including even extreme violence, and it has been proven as a failed project, even to the extent that Serbia cannot still become a functional state, suffering the consequences of its own fascism, as a driving ideology for the for annexation of Kosovo in that time.
Finally, it is a matter of prospect. In any segment of life, there is a need for fundamentals upon which the future is to be built.
In economy, for example, it has been proven that the can be no economic development without property being defined. Accordingly, in the overall development of Kosova, there can be forward steps unless the character of the state is defined. As long as there’s duality as far as the nature of state, there will be dual interpretation of its legal order, and duality on the fundamental issues, such as the assurance of the economic investments. We have seen this in Kosova during the six years with UNMIK, where the lack of defined power, and the resulting duality, have in fact brought enormous stagnation in the development of institutions, democracy and economy.. When it is unclear who is responsible in government, the whole chain of responsibility is lost, thus the nature of democracy and the power of the vote of sovereign, the citizen.
Therefore, Kosovo should become independent in order to build a democratic future of a responsible government and a future of economic development.
I am aware that in Serbia, which in fact is the only country opposing Kosovo’s independence, there is a completely different approach, and that other entirely different argument are in play. I know that would bring about voices telling me: ”How would you protect Kosovo Serbs with these three principles of yours?” The answer is very simple: So far, all models that exclude the majority population taking full responsibilities have been used. The result for the Serbs was catastrophic; Milosevic made of them colonial administrators, and this put Kosova Serbs into a specific historical position to be regarded as a fifth colon in their country, new Kosova.
Let us try a model that prevailed in the united Europe, that of the majority population taking responsibility, in a democratic and functional state.
Author: Veton Surroi, member of the Kosovar delegation for status talks and the Chairman of the political party ORA.